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E105: Musk’s Move Into Politics: Yanis Varoufakis and Cory Doctorow on Fighting Billionaire Control

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    [Mehran] Hello.
    hello, hello and welcome.
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    I'm Mehran Khalili.
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    We are DiEM25, a radical political
    movement for Europe.
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    And this is another live discussion
    featuring subversive ideas
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    you won't hear anywhere else.
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    And tonight, we're talking Elon Musk,
    the world's richest human.
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    Yes, Musk is now reshaping
    politics in troubling ways,
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    using his vast wealth and control over
    technology to influence elections
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    and public discourse.
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    Two years ago, he bought
    X, formerly Twitter,
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    placing himself at the centre
    of the news via his own account,
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    the largest on the platform,
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    but it wasn't until last year that
    Musk got deeply involved in politics,
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    jumping around on stage
    with Donald Trump
    and injecting more than
    a quarter of a billion dollars
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    into the man's campaign
    to help to get him elected.
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    Musk has now, in recent weeks,
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    been throwing grenades into
    Europe's political mainstream,
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    supporting an anti-migrant,
    hardline nationalist party
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    in Germany ahead of
    elections there,
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    and calling for the resignation
    of the British Prime Minister.
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    So all of this highlights the alarming
    intersection of tech and political power.
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    So how did we get here?
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    I mean, wealthy elites have always
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    shaped public discourse and policy,
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    but why does it feel now,
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    like we've broken through
    to a fresh level of hell?
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    And of course, the question
    we always ask here on DiEM TV,
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    how can we push back against it?
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    To answer these questions, we've got
    two people that have coined the terms
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    that we often use to describe
    the mess that we're in,
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    technofeudalism, cloud capital,
    and then shitification.
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    And that's, of course, our own
    Yanis Varoufakis.
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    And I'm delighted to welcome to
    DiEMTV for the first time,
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    Cory Doctorow,
    the science fiction author,
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    activist, and journalist,
    and DiEM25 member.
    And of course, we have you,
    you out there.
    If you've got thoughts, comments, rants,
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    something that you really think
    should be said in this debate
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    then put it in the YouTube chat
    and we'll put it to our panel.
    Some very quick housekeeping,
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    if you'd like to hit the bell there
    on YouTube, the bell icon,
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    or if you prefer to hear us on a podcast,
    just go to your favourite podcasting app
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    and enter the word DiEM25
    and you'll find our podcast there.
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    Let's kick it off with Cory.
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    Cory, how did we get here?
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    [Cory] Well, I'll tell you how I got here,
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    my first encounter with Elon Musk.
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    So I had a friend and colleague who's a
    science fiction writer named Iain Banks,
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    who is a legendary
    socialist science fiction writer.
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    And one day on Twitter,
    I saw a tweet from Elon Musk
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    saying he considered
    himself a Utopian socialist
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    in the mold of Iain Banks.
    And Iain had died not that long before,
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    and I said, I knew Iain, and he was
    an ardent trade unionist
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    and he would not
    have been happy about
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    being identified with
    a man who's in trouble
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    with the National Labor Relations Board
    for virulent union busting.
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    And Musk came back and he said:
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    Well the thing is that in Iain Banks's
    famous culture novels
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    there are no trade unions
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    and that's why I think I can
    consider myself in his mold.
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    And I said: You know,
    with all due respect
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    Iain Banks culture novels
    are set in a future
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    where faster than light ships
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    that hold a trillion people
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    and are piloted by galactic scale super
    intelligences roam the galaxy,
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    the fact that there's no
    trade unions in that world
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    tells us nothing about whether
    they need to be here.
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    And he said: Well, if Banks
    could have seen
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    the degree of automation in a Tesla factory,
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    he would have not expected me
    to unionize my factories either.
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    And I said: You know, again,
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    there is a world of difference
    between faster than light travel
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    and eking out marginal gains
    in the production of cars.
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    And then, he blocked me and
    called me an enemy of humanity.
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    He is one of these guys that,
    as a science fiction writer,
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    you run into as immortalized in
    that great tweet,
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    you know, as a science fiction writer,
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    I've written a novel about
    the torment nexus
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    so that you don't
    create the torment nexus.
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    Tech bro, I have created
    the torment nexus.
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    As William Gibson always says:
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    Cyberpunk was a warning,
    not a suggestion.
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    Whenever I think about Musk,
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    I feel some personal responsibility
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    because there is a kind
    of cadre of tech billionaires
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    who've read our dystopias and
    mistaken them for business plans.
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    I always come back to this great
    quote from A Fish Called Wanda:
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    Aristotle was not Belgian,
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    the principle of Buddhism is
    not every man for himself,
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    the London Underground
    is not a political movement,
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    these are all mistakes,
    I looked them up.
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    When I hear Elon Musk
    talk about his views
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    and how they connect to
    world historical phenomena,
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    to the literature he's metabolized,
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    to the ideologies he claims to espouse,
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    most notably free speech absolutism,
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    something I have some connection to
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    given my long association with
    speech fights on the internet
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    through the Electronic
    Frontier Foundation,
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    I think of him as being
    one of these people
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    who has absorbed just enough of
    things that are kind of in his orbit,
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    that he can deploy them tactically
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    to justify what is the
    ultimate view of Musk,
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    which is Wilhoit's view
    of conservatives,
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    that conservatism has one tenet,
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    that there are in-groups whom
    the law protects but does not bind,
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    and out-groups whom the law binds
    but does not protect.
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    And I think that is Muskism
    in a nutshell there.
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    [Mehran] Thank you very much
    for that explanation of Musk.
    Before I hand the floor over to Yanis,
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    are there any I mean, in terms of
    looking at the aggregation
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    and the consolidation of power
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    that big tech has got
    to this point where
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    we're in this situation
    today with Musk,
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    can you take us, like,
    give us a lightning speed,
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    because it's shifted a lot
    in the last eight years as well.
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    So if you can give us that background
    just to bring us up to speed to 2025?
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    [Cory] I think like Trump, Musk is best
    understood as a result and not a cause.
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    That there's a kind of sociopathic
    billionaire shaped hole in the world,
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    someone who can inveigle
    sweetheart government contracts,
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    someone who is better at PR
    than he is at engineering,
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    someone who is capable
    of abusing the law
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    to force people who actually invented
    things that he subsequently bought,
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    to describe him as the inventor
    is part of his myth building.
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    Musk has bought everything
    successful he's done,
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    from SpaceX to Tesla to Donald Trump,
    another thing he's recently purchased,
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    and he nevertheless
    characterizes himself
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    in the tradition of all these tech
    billionaires is a self-made man.
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    When we decided that we
    would no longer enforce policies
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    that prohibit predatory acquisitions,
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    that prohibit lock-in,
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    that give a special advantage to
    incumbents over new entrants,
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    we created a kind of
    winner-take-all lottery
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    where whatever mediocrity
    scrambled to the top of the heap,
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    you know, stabbing people in the back
    on their way most quickly,
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    could then convert that to
    a durable advantage.
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    The difference now,
    between now and then,
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    is not that in the old days
    when tech was better,
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    that we had better people leading it.
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    It was that they faced more constraint.
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    They had to worry about
    competitors because
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    our policies promoting competition were
    not yet completely destroyed.
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    They had to worry about regulators
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    because they hadn't fully captured
    the regulatory apparatus.
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    They had to worry about
    their workers leaving because
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    tech workers were then
    the princes of labor,
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    people whose labor was
    in such short demand
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    and whose skills were were
    so hard to find in the market
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    that they could just tell their
    bosses to 'F' off
    whenever their bosses asked them to do things
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    and they had to contend with
    wonderful nature of digital technology
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    which is that new technologies
    can always be plugged into old ones
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    so when when Mark Zuckerberg
    started Facebook,
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    he had this billionaire problem.
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    His billionaire problem
    was called Rupert Murdoch,
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    who owned another
    service called MySpace.
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    Everyone who wanted social media
    was already on MySpace,
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    and it was a big lift to ask people
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    to leave all their friends behind
    and go to Facebook.
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    Rather than make them ask that,
    he just gave them a bot,
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    and you logged into Facebook,
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    you gave it your MySpace
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    login and password.
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    The bot would go to MySpace
    several times a day,
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    scrape all the messages waiting for you,
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    come back to your Facebook account,
    put them in your Facebook inbox.
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    and then, you could reply to them and it
    would send them back to MySpace.
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    You didn't have to worry about that.
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    That interoperability was
    kind of par for the course
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    with technology and it gave new market
    entrants enormous advantage
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    over big established incumbents.
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    In the memorable phrase of Jeff Bezos:
    our margin is my opportunity.
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    If HP is selling $10,000 a gallon ink,
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    that's an opportunity for someone
    who wants to sell $100 a gallon ink
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    because people will jump on that offer.
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    What we've done in the years since is
    we've made IP laws so expansive
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    that it not only allows
    these large incumbents
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    to ignore regulation
    when it comes to privacy,
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    labor protections, consumer rights,
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    but also to wield regulation
    against new market entrants
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    and shut them down,
    stop them from taking advantage
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    of that latent power of technology.
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    So you combine these four changes,
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    the drawdown of competition,
    the capture of regulators,
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    the deployment of regulation in the
    form of IP against new market entrance
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    and the gutting of labor
    power for tech workers.
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    We've seen it's now over 400,000
    tech layoffs in the last 24 months
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    in the United States alone
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    and you've got a place
    where people who
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    are no better than they
    used to be, and no worse
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    can simply act on their worst nature
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    without facing any
    constraint or consequence
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    so that you unleash the id
    of someone like Elon Musk
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    someone who has
    no principles except for
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    these kind of weird Muskist kind of
    every man for himself and me first
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    principles without any constraint
    and with unlimited access
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    to a capital market fattened on
    quantitative easing and huge bailouts
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    and you get what we have now,
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    you get this weird,
    manifestly unfit, paranoid
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    ultimately very stupid man, who's become
    extremely important to our politics.
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    [Mehran] Thank you, Cory.
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    Yanis, you've heard
    Cory's diagnosis.
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    What's your take?
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    [Yanis] It's so good to be
    hearing and listening to Corey,
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    because so far, for a while now, we've
    been reading each other's books,
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    we have been endorsing each other,
    promoting each other's books.
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    It's very good to actually be,
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    even if it's only in two dimensions,
    through the medium of cloud capital.
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    It's great, Corey, to be
    on the same timeline
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    and not just exchanging
    text messages.
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    Look, the only reason why we're
    talking about Elon Musk
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    and not Jeff Bezos or Zuckerberg
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    presently is because
    he has become
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    the de facto vice president
    of the United States.
    He purchased a very cushy position in the administration.
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    It was an amazing, an astonishing investment
    for a couple of hundred millions,
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    a couple of hundred billions,
    actually more.
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    I don't think there is a
    better return to one's dollar
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    than what he has already achieved.
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    Okay, so this is why
    we're talking about him.
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    I personally don't care at all, if he
    writes an op-ed in Die Welt
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    about his support of the AfD.
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    I believe in free speech.
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    If he wants to support
    poor excuses for human nature
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    in the German elections,
    let him do it.
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    Personally, I don't think
    this is what is worrying.
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    It's not just him, of course.
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    There is a gentleman that
    you all know, Peter Thiel,
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    that he has also engaged with himself.
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    These people who have joined the
    Trump campaign relatively early on.
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    Peter Thiel supplied the
    actual vice president, right?
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    It was a former employee
    of Peter Thiel.
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    All these things are perfectly legitimate
    reasons to feel sick in the stomach.
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    when you have men, the
    brolicarchy of tremendous wealth
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    with a very sordid history.
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    Don't forget the way that they've been
    treating the mothers of their children,
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    trying to impoverish them
    through the courts,
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    the way they've been endorsing
    books that are justifying torture
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    and laugh at the notion of human rights,
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    the zillions that they are
    making from government
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    and milking that particular procurement,
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    the manner in which they are targeting
    any government program
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    which doesn't enrich them,
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    but it does something little
    in order to assist the poor.
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    This is all nauseating stuff.
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    More recently, we saw Giorgia
    Meloni, the Italian Prime Minister,
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    visiting Miami and having
    a little tête-à-tête with Elon Musk.
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    I can tell you that one of the reasons
    why Elon Musk is so enamored of her
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    and doesn't want her
    to be deposed unlike
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    Nigel Farage that for some reason,
    suddenly he's in his bad books.
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    He wants, instead of giving
    him 100 million pounds,
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    he wants to depose him from the
    leadership of the reform UK party.
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    The reason is that Meloni has effectively
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    offered him the opportunity of having
    the Italian state move away from IRIS-II,
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    the satellite network that the
    European Union was planning to
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    create in competition with Starlink.
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    That is a reason to
    be extremely worried
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    when you have such deals
    being concocted in Mar-a-Lago
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    between the Italian neo-fascist
    Prime Minister and Elon Musk.
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    I don't need to add
    any adjectives to him.
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    But, having said all that, and let me
    just add one more thing,
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    He's not a free speech absolutist,
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    he's an absolutist, he's a totalitarian,
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    but that doesn't mean he
    cares about free speech
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    unless it is his own free speech.
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    Supposedly, he's supporting
    Tommy Robinson's free speech,
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    and the fact that Tommy Robinson
    is in prison for contempt of court,
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    for actually lying about
    a refugee, a Syrian refugee,
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    in court and outside of court.
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    But, when Julian Assange was rotting,
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    rotting in the Belmarsh
    High Security Prison,
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    Elon Musk said not one word,
    because for him,
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    a man who is convicted of nothing
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    should rot in prison if he goes against
    the interests of the CIA, of the NSA,
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    of the Pentagon, and of Elon Musk.
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    So give it a rest, Elon.
    You don't give a damn about freedom of
    speech and freedom of expression,
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    especially for the free press.
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    But the point of...
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    Now I'm going to play, to
    some extent, devil's advocate
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    in actually arguing that we need to ask
    ourselves what is really new about this?
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    Because many people are pretending
    that what is happening with Musk,
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    with Thiel, and with the other members
    of the Brotherhood of the Old Brolicarchy,
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    that this is something really new.
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    Well, is it?
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    Is it really new?
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    I mean, yes, but not for the
    reasons that most journalists
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    of the liberal establishment
    press tell us.
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    John D. Rockefeller, he headed a dynasty
    that makes Musk look an amateur.
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    Henry Ford, he bought newspapers
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    and canvassed and effectively forced
    municipalities to rip out tramways
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    and to replace them with
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    Ford automobiles and buses.
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    Thomas Edison electrocuted famously,
    an elephant at Coney Island
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    just to demonstrate that Westinghouse's
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    direct current electricity was dangerous,
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    sorry, alternating current was dangerous,
    whereas Edison's direct current wasn't.
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    Big business has always enjoyed a revolving
    door kind of relationship with government.
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    Remember that Bill Clinton appointed
    Rubin, the CEO of Goldman Sachs,
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    to the to the treasury, as
    his treasury finance minister,
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    in order effectively
    to remove all and every
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    shackle that was, since the 1930s,
    holding back Goldman Sachs
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    from effectively committing the crimes
    that they committed immediately after
    the Clinton administration
    allowed them to do this.
    And then, Obama brings the same person back in,
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    in order to bail out the same banks
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    after 2008 collapse
    that these bankers had created.
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    So we have to keep all this in mind.
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    But here's how we can
    complete this long thought.
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    There is one thing which is new
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    and that is the new form of capital
    that these people actually possess.
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    Everybody knows that
    I call it cloud capital.
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    It's not a produced means of production.
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    It's a produced means of
    behavioral modification.
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    It's effectively a new hyper weapon,
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    which these broligarchs, these
    cloudalists, as I call them,
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    or technofeudal barons or lords,
    they possess, which, a Henry Ford,
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    a Thomas Edison, a Westinghouse,
    a Rockefeller didn't.
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    Unless we understand
    the manner in which
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    this new form of capital,
    which I call cloud capital,
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    operates, and the way
    that it usurps markets,
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    it replaces them,
    it replaces profit with rent,
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    it effectively turns capital,
    cloud capital, into a gigantic parasite,
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    which is a hundred times,
    a million times bigger than
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    the organism on which
    it is parasitic.
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    The organism is traditional capitalism
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    and of course, the labor force
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    and, of course, the surplus value
    that these workers produce.
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    We need to understand that,
    because this new hyper weapon
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    of the lords of big tech, of the Musks
    of the world, not just Musk, Gates, Google,
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    don't forget them, right?
    Even though they are Democrats,
    they've always been in this game
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    and they're already in the inner circle
    of Trump or they will be very soon.
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    It is important to hone in
    on the political economy
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    of the phenomenon of which Musk
    is simply an epiphenomenon.
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    [Mehran] Thank you, Yanis.
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    Before I hand the floor
    back to you, Cory,
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    a couple of questions and
    comments from the chat.
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    Subradeep says: 'Musk is the
    face of right-wing extremism.
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    His extension of support for British
    anti-immigrant parties is a clear sign.'
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    Kirk Doherty says: 'An open market system
    should be open to everybody
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    without regulations to stop these rich
    boys from monopolising markets.
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    When I was a kid, monopolies were
    broken up, now they're not.
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    Sandoz says: 'Musk bought Twitter
    specifically to be able to
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    use his power to control the narrative,
    he's a real life Bond villain.
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    And Anonymous Friend notes that:
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    'It's a menace to U.S.
    national security state,
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    to allow someone
    to get this wealthy.'
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    Cory, hand it back to you,
    and you'll turn it to Yanis.
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    [Cory] Sure yeah, I think that it's important to
    understand what Musk is actually doing.
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    So Yanis used the phrase,
    behavior modification
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    and there's different ways of people
    deploying that phrase when they
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    describe how tech works.
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    I think some of them
    are quite useful.
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    Like, if you're a tech guy
    and you understand that
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    people have certain activities
    that are non-discretionary,
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    like being enmeshed in a community
    or dealing with government services
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    or your employer, or if your
    kid is going to school
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    and they have to use certain services,
    then how you use the technology
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    does indeed modify
    people's behavior, right?
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    You do in fact, force people to conduct
    their affairs in certain ways
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    and I think that is what we talk about
    when we talk about the risks of monopoly.
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    Historically, the case against monopoly
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    which, has been around
    for a very long time.
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    People have argued about
    this for a very long time.
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    Historically, the case for that
    has been that
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    if the state does not regulate firms
    to prevent them from getting too big,
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    then the firms themselves
    become regulators.
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    They get to decide who
    enters the market,
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    they get to decide how people
    conduct their lives, and so on.
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    If the only way you're going to get
    broadband out in the countryside
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    is with Elon Musk because Musk
    has convinced governments
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    not to pull fiber out to
    low-density communities,
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    which is a thing that he's
    currently embarked upon.
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    It's an echo of something
    he did previously,
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    which was to have this
    kind of fake high-speed train
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    between San Francisco and LA
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    that he promised but never built
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    after building this
    ridiculous demonstration,
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    which is a tiny tunnel in Las Vegas that
    goes from a hotel to a convention center.
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    He said, soon we'll build a version
    of this that's much larger
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    and it'll be evacuated
    so it'll be frictionless
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    and we'll send Tesla's through it so fast
    that no one will ever need the train.
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    And so then you starve the state
    of investment in public transit
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    and you get to sell cars
    in the same way
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    where we're seeing a drawdown
    of investment in fiber
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    in places where Starlink
    is very successful,
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    notably in Ontario where I'm from
    in Canada, there's been a lot of this,
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    and this is coming as a result of Musk
    wanting to control our behavior, right?
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    If he's the only game in town, when
    you want to get on the internet,
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    and we all have to get on the internet,
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    that's where our bank is,
    and our family is,
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    and our job is, and our kid's school is,
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    and how we interact with politics
    and civics and so on,
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    then you have to do it through Musk.
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    And so if Musk makes choices
    about which services are available
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    or which ones are prioritized
    and which ones are downranked
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    or how the services build and
    whether upload is billed at a higher rate
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    than download so you can
    consume but not participate.
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    That's structuring private behavior.
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    It's a very powerful form
    of behavior modification.
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    But there's another form
    of behavior modification
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    that tech bros like to claim,
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    and it goes back to this
    science fictional conceit,
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    which is that tech bros take
    this warmed over, Skinnerian
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    behavior modification psychology,
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    and they declare that they can combine
    it with big data and automated processes;
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    these days they just say with AI
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    and that they can use that to
    bypass your critical faculties
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    to make you do
    whatever they want.
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    And this is a very self-serving claim,
    especially if you're selling ads, right?
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    If your pitch to the advertisers
    is the reason you should to pay
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    a 40% premium to
    advertise on my service
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    is that I built a functional mind
    control ray using big data,
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    then that's a very great pitch.
    But, everyone who's ever claimed
    to have built a mind control ray
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    was lying to themselves
    or everyone else.
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    It was true of Rasputin,
    it was true of Mesmer,
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    it was true of the CIA with MKUltra,
    it's true of pickup artists
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    and people who believe in
    neuro-linguistic programming.
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    It's all junk.
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    Whatever behavior mod you get
    out of a new kind of trick,
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    quickly regresses to the mean,
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    the era in which 99 cents does not
    automatically equal a dollar
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    is long behind us, but there was
    a time when you could sell someone
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    something for 99 cents
    and they didn't realize that
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    you were selling them
    something for a dollar.
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    And so these tricks regress
    to the mean very quickly
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    and yet, you have these claims
    that are quite extraordinary
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    being made by tech bros and sometimes
    being echoed by their own critics.
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    This is a thing the scholar at Virginia
    Tech, Lee Vinsel, calls Crit-a-Hype,
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    where you repeat the hype claims.
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    So we saw a lot of this with Musk
    and his claims about automation.
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    Musk knows that his audience
    of business leaders is insatiably
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    horny for firing workers
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    and replacing them with
    machines who don't talk back.
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    And that's why Musk has
    put so much energy
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    into pretending to
    have built a robot.
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    Three years ago, he put a guy
    in a robot costume on stage
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    and had that robot dance around on stage
    and declared it to be a robot.
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    Last year, he put a
    remote-controlled robot on stage
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    that was being controlled by workers
    in an off-site location
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    and lied and said that it was
    an autonomous robot bartender
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    that would soon make
    every bartender obsolete.
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    These claims can be repeated
    in critical ways that are useful
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    and in critical ways that
    are useless or harmful.
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    So we can say usefully,
    it's quite shameful
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    that Musk and his
    audience of business leaders
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    hate workers and don't want to pay them
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    and would like to discipline
    them with automation
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    and suppress their wages.
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    We can say that it's ridiculous
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    that they put on these
    absurd demos
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    where they're just using this
    kind of Potemkin technology.
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    Those are good and useful criticisms,
    because they strike at the root of
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    how Musk is raising money and
    converting money to power.
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    But then, there's a harmful criticism,
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    a criticism that's self-defeating,
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    which is to say, Musk has
    got a mind control ray
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    because he owns Twitter,
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    or Musk is going to make labor obsolete
    because he's got functional robots,
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    or Musk is going to put all the
    taxi drivers out of business
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    because he's invented
    a full self-driving car.
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    Musk has promised
    a full self-driving car
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    within 12 months every year
    since 2014, like clockwork.
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    He does not have a
    full self-driving car.
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    He is not likely to have a full
    self-driving car anytime soon.
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    If we point out that he's lying in order
    to suck in naive investors
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    and to feed a hype cycle
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    that is hostile to workers
    and human thriving,
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    we do good work in
    countering Musk's power,
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    but, if we repeat his self-serving
    lies as criticism, right?
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    If we say Musk is a sorcerer
    who's got autonomous robots,
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    a super intelligent AI,
    a self-driving car,
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    all of the things that
    he claims that he's got,
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    which he manifestly
    doesn't have,
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    we help him sell stock
    in his enterprises.
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    We help him land more cushy,
    no-bid government contracts.
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    We help him hold back
    the public transit investment,
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    broadband investment,
    all of these other things.
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    A good example of this
    would actually just be
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    understanding the
    limitations of Starlink.
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    So Starlink, it is a revolutionary technology in many ways,
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    and there are certainly
    applications for it.
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    No one's ever gonna
    put a fiber optic cable
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    on a ship in the middle
    of the Pacific Ocean.
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    That's a place where having a
    satellite constellation be very useful,
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    but the idea that Starlink can ever
    compete with hardline internet,
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    let alone fiber, is absurd.
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    We're talking about a technology
    whose maximum speed,
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    if you are the sole user of it,
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    is one one-millionth of the maximum
    speed of a single strand of fiber,
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    but unlike fiber, you
    can't add to that speed.
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    You can put lots of strands
    of fiber in the same conduit,
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    and unlike fiber, every time
    someone joins your Starlink cluster,
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    one of your neighbors on Starlink,
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    your speed drops in half.
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    The idea that we can
    just somehow solve this
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    by 'innovating', is like the idea that we can
    somehow solve the traffic problem
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    by innovating with self driving cars.
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    Geometry hates cars.
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    There is no number of self-driving cars
    you can add that will reduce traffic
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    in the same way that there's no number
    of spectrum sharing satellite transceivers
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    that can reduce the congestion
    on the only electromagnetic spectrum
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    in the universe that
    we have accessible to us.
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    And so it's really important to focus
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    on the material reality
    of what he's delivering
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    and to contrast that with
    what he's claiming to deliver
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    and to focus our a criticism on
    the things that make him poorer
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    and weaker and not the things
    that help him sell more nonsense.
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    [Mehran] Thank you Cory.
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    Yanis, as I hand it over to you, just to
    tee it up on the same topic,
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    Sasha from the chat says: 'I get that AI
    and digital cloud technologies are scary,
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    but do we actually believe it's something
    entirely new and that much more effective
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    at modifying behavior than TV
    and traditional media used to be?'
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    [Yanis] Yes, absolutely.
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    But first let me also say that:
    you see, Musk has succeeded
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    in making us talk about him
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    and not talk about Jeff Bezos,
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    who is a far more scary figure for me
    and a greater menace to the world.
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    And not just him, right?
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    But Thiel, Google and so on,
    Zuckerberg, what happened?
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    Have we forgotten about Zuckerberg
    and Cambridge Analytica
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    and Facebook and all that
    and Instagram?
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    So he succeeded.
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    One of the reasons why he
    bought Twitter was because
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    he didn't have that
    much cloud capital.
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    They were producing
    all type of terrestrial capital,
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    even if some of it went up in space.
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    Let me now answer our viewer's point,
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    which I think goes to the heart of it,
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    and it also connects with another question
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    that we had in the chat on YouTube.
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    Is it any different to a monopoly?
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    Is this different to standard
    monopoly capitalism?
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    Why can't we regulate Big Tech in the way
    that Roosevelt regulated and broke up
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    Standard Oil and
    Rockefeller's enterprises.
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    There is a difference.
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    The difference is that from where
    I'm standing, take Amazon for instance,
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    it's not a monopoly, folks.
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    It's not even a marketplace.
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    It is a trading platform
    on which you will find
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    hundreds of thousands at every
    moment in time of buyers and sellers.
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    But it is not a market.
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    Because a market requires a degree
    of decentralization, even a monopoly.
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    Imagine you go into a shopping
    mall which is owned by one person
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    and that person owns all the shops,
    controls everything that is there,
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    the advertising, everything.
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    At least you and I you know,
    you Cory, me, Mehran,
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    we can walk around together and
    we can actually talk about it.
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    We can even organize a little consumer
    boycott between the three of us saying
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    we're not going to buy from that bastard
    who owns the shopping mall, right?
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    But when you're in Amazon,
    you can't talk to one another.
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    Every communication, every sale,
    every offer, every post is regulated
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    by a centrally planned
    algorithm that belongs to Jeff Bezos.
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    So essentially, this is not a market.
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    It's a trading place which is controlled,
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    which as I've written before,
    and Cory knows that I like to make this point,
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    it is the wet dream of the Soviet planners,
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    of Gosplan, of the Ministry
    of Economic Planning.
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    Because what was the Ministry of Economic Planning, Gosplan, trying to do under the Soviet Union, especially after 1956?
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    They were trying to replace the market,
    especially after they got rid of the new economic policy
    of Lenin and so on.
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    They wanted to replace the market
    with a bureaucratic system,
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    a cybernetic kind of algorithmic
    process,
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    by which to match individual consumers
    with individual producers, or with factories,
    or with farmers.
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    And saying to the factory that made shoes,
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    we want so many shoes, color black, these sizes, at
    these prices.
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    And then match these shoes
    with the demand from the consumers.
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    Okay, to replace the market.
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    Now this is exactly, exactly what the algorithm of Amazon does.
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    The difference is that under
    the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
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    at least there were some pretence,
    that this was done for the purposes of maximizing social welfare.
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    Whereas in the case of Amazon,
    it's not even a secret.
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    The algorithm is optimized for one purpose:
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    To maximize the likelihood that Jeff Bezos
    will extract the maximum rent from each transaction
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    and the maximum amount of free labor
    from each one of us
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    who posts and reviews and does stuff on
    Amazon.com, right?
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    So this is not a monopoly.
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    I call it a cloud thiefdom.
    You can call it a digital fiefdom or a digital platform which is feudal in nature because this
    guy doesn't produce anything of the stuff that you buy on Amazon.
    He simply charges a rent for every economic activity that has happening on that.
    I call it a cloud rent in order to distinguish it from a ground rent.
    Because the cloud rent, unlike in feudalism, requires, in order to materialize, it requires
    a lot of capital.
    But it's a cloud capital form.
    It is of the algorithm type which modifies what we do.
    It doesn't...
    Cory is right.
    They will never succeed, thankfully, thankfully.
    They will never succeed in brainwashing us, in making me want to buy a coffee machine if I don't
    like coffee.
    they will never be able to do that.
    But they can modify my behavior regarding my priorities.
    If I want to buy an electric bicycle, I may buy much, much earlier than I would have.
    And I will buy it from a vendor that the algorithm chooses for me for the purpose of maximizing
    the cloud rent of Jeff Bezos.
    Now, that is a unique power and one that you cannot regulate in a way that, you know, the Teddy
    Roosevelt administration utilized in order to regulate.
    So we need something very, very different here, unless we find ways of socializing the algorithm
    and changing property rights of the algorithm.
    I don't believe we can do it very much in the standard New Deal, social democratic European manner.
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Title:
E105: Musk’s Move Into Politics: Yanis Varoufakis and Cory Doctorow on Fighting Billionaire Control
Description:

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Video Language:
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Duration:
01:14:02

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