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E105: Musk’s Move Into Politics: Yanis Varoufakis and Cory Doctorow on Fighting Billionaire Control

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    [Mehran] Hello.
    hello, hello and welcome.
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    I'm Mehran Khalili.
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    We are DiEM25, a radical political
    movement for Europe.
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    And this is another live discussion
    featuring subversive ideas
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    you won't hear anywhere else.
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    And tonight, we're talking Elon Musk,
    the world's richest human.
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    Yes, Musk is now reshaping
    politics in troubling ways,
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    using his vast wealth and control over
    technology to influence elections
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    and public discourse.
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    Two years ago, he bought
    X, formerly Twitter,
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    placing himself at the centre
    of the news via his own account,
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    the largest on the platform,
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    but it wasn't until last year that
    Musk got deeply involved in politics,
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    jumping around on stage
    with Donald Trump
    and injecting more than
    a quarter of a billion dollars
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    into the man's campaign
    to help to get him elected.
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    Musk has now, in recent weeks,
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    been throwing grenades into
    Europe's political mainstream,
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    supporting an anti-migrant,
    hardline nationalist party
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    in Germany ahead of
    elections there,
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    and calling for the resignation
    of the British Prime Minister.
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    So all of this highlights the alarming
    intersection of tech and political power.
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    So how did we get here?
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    I mean, wealthy elites have always
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    shaped public discourse and policy,
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    but why does it feel now,
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    like we've broken through
    to a fresh level of hell?
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    And of course, the question
    we always ask here on DiEM TV,
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    how can we push back against it?
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    To answer these questions, we've got
    two people that have coined the terms
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    that we often use to describe
    the mess that we're in,
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    technofeudalism, cloud capital,
    and then shitification.
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    And that's, of course, our own
    Yanis Varoufakis.
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    And I'm delighted to welcome to
    DiEMTV for the first time,
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    Cory Doctorow,
    the science fiction author,
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    activist, and journalist,
    and DiEM25 member.
    And of course, we have you,
    you out there.
    If you've got thoughts, comments, rants,
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    something that you really think
    should be said in this debate
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    then put it in the YouTube chat
    and we'll put it to our panel.
    Some very quick housekeeping,
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    if you'd like to hit the bell there
    on YouTube, the bell icon,
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    or if you prefer to hear us on a podcast,
    just go to your favourite podcasting app
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    and enter the word DiEM25
    and you'll find our podcast there.
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    Let's kick it off with Cory.
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    Cory, how did we get here?
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    [Cory] Well, I'll tell you how I got here,
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    my first encounter with Elon Musk.
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    So I had a friend and colleague who's a
    science fiction writer named Iain Banks,
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    who is a legendary
    socialist science fiction writer.
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    And one day on Twitter,
    I saw a tweet from Elon Musk
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    saying he considered
    himself a Utopian socialist
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    in the mold of Iain Banks.
    And Iain had died not that long before,
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    and I said, I knew Iain, and he was
    an ardent trade unionist
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    and he would not
    have been happy about
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    being identified with
    a man who's in trouble
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    with the National Labor Relations Board
    for virulent union busting.
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    And Musk came back and he said:
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    Well the thing is that in Iain Banks's
    famous culture novels
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    there are no trade unions
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    and that's why I think I can
    consider myself in his mold.
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    And I said: You know,
    with all due respect
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    Iain Banks culture novels
    are set in a future
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    where faster than light ships
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    that hold a trillion people
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    and are piloted by galactic scale super
    intelligences roam the galaxy,
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    the fact that there's no
    trade unions in that world
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    tells us nothing about whether
    they need to be here.
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    And he said: Well, if Banks
    could have seen
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    the degree of automation in a Tesla factory,
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    he would have not expected me
    to unionize my factories either.
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    And I said: You know, again,
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    there is a world of difference
    between faster than light travel
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    and eking out marginal gains
    in the production of cars.
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    And then, he blocked me and
    called me an enemy of humanity.
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    He is one of these guys that,
    as a science fiction writer,
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    you run into as immortalized in
    that great tweet,
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    you know, as a science fiction writer,
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    I've written a novel about
    the torment nexus
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    so that you don't
    create the torment nexus.
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    Tech bro, I have created
    the torment nexus.
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    As William Gibson always says:
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    Cyberpunk was a warning,
    not a suggestion.
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    Whenever I think about Musk,
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    I feel some personal responsibility
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    because there is a kind
    of cadre of tech billionaires
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    who've read our dystopias and
    mistaken them for business plans.
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    I always come back to this great
    quote from A Fish Called Wanda:
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    Aristotle was not Belgian,
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    the principle of Buddhism is
    not every man for himself,
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    the London Underground
    is not a political movement,
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    these are all mistakes,
    I looked them up.
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    When I hear Elon Musk
    talk about his views
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    and how they connect to
    world historical phenomena,
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    to the literature he's metabolized,
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    to the ideologies he claims to espouse,
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    most notably free speech absolutism,
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    something I have some connection to
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    given my long association with
    speech fights on the internet
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    through the Electronic
    Frontier Foundation,
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    I think of him as being
    one of these people
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    who has absorbed just enough of
    things that are kind of in his orbit,
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    that he can deploy them tactically
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    to justify what is the
    ultimate view of Musk,
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    which is Wilhoit's view
    of conservatives,
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    that conservatism has one tenet,
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    that there are in-groups whom
    the law protects but does not bind,
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    and out-groups whom the law binds
    but does not protect.
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    And I think that is Muskism
    in a nutshell there.
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    [Mehran] Thank you very much
    for that explanation of Musk.
    Before I hand the floor over to Yanis,
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    are there any I mean, in terms of
    looking at the aggregation
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    and the consolidation of power
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    that big tech has got
    to this point where
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    we're in this situation
    today with Musk,
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    can you take us, like,
    give us a lightning speed,
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    because it's shifted a lot
    in the last eight years as well.
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    So if you can give us that background
    just to bring us up to speed to 2025?
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    [Cory] I think like Trump, Musk is best
    understood as a result and not a cause.
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    That there's a kind of sociopathic
    billionaire shaped hole in the world,
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    someone who can inveigle
    sweetheart government contracts,
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    someone who is better at PR
    than he is at engineering,
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    someone who is capable
    of abusing the law
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    to force people who actually invented
    things that he subsequently bought,
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    to describe him as the inventor
    is part of his myth building.
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    Musk has bought everything
    successful he's done,
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    from SpaceX to Tesla to Donald Trump,
    another thing he's recently purchased,
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    and he nevertheless
    characterizes himself
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    in the tradition of all these tech
    billionaires is a self-made man.
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    When we decided that we
    would no longer enforce policies
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    that prohibit predatory acquisitions,
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    that prohibit lock-in,
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    that give a special advantage to
    incumbents over new entrants,
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    we created a kind of
    winner-take-all lottery
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    where whatever mediocrity
    scrambled to the top of the heap,
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    you know, stabbing people in the back
    on their way most quickly,
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    could then convert that to
    a durable advantage.
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    The difference now,
    between now and then,
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    is not that in the old days
    when tech was better,
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    that we had better people leading it.
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    It was that they faced more constraint.
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    They had to worry about
    competitors because
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    our policies promoting competition were
    not yet completely destroyed.
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    They had to worry about regulators
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    because they hadn't fully captured
    the regulatory apparatus.
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    They had to worry about
    their workers leaving because
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    tech workers were then
    the princes of labor,
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    people whose labor was
    in such short demand
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    and whose skills were were
    so hard to find in the market
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    that they could just tell their
    bosses to 'F' off
    whenever their bosses asked them to do things
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    and they had to contend with
    wonderful nature of digital technology
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    which is that new technologies
    can always be plugged into old ones
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    so when when Mark Zuckerberg
    started Facebook,
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    he had this billionaire problem.
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    His billionaire problem
    was called Rupert Murdoch,
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    who owned another
    service called MySpace.
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    Everyone who wanted social media
    was already on MySpace,
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    and it was a big lift to ask people
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    to leave all their friends behind
    and go to Facebook.
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    Rather than make them ask that,
    he just gave them a bot,
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    and you logged into Facebook,
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    you gave it your MySpace
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    login and password.
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    The bot would go to MySpace
    several times a day,
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    scrape all the messages waiting for you,
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    come back to your Facebook account,
    put them in your Facebook inbox.
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    and then, you could reply to them and it
    would send them back to MySpace.
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    You didn't have to worry about that.
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    That interoperability was
    kind of par for the course
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    with technology and it gave new market
    entrants enormous advantage
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    over big established incumbents.
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    In the memorable phrase of Jeff Bezos:
    our margin is my opportunity.
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    If HP is selling $10,000 a gallon ink,
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    that's an opportunity for someone
    who wants to sell $100 a gallon ink
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    because people will jump on that offer.
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    What we've done in the years since is
    we've made IP laws so expansive
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    that it not only allows
    these large incumbents
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    to ignore regulation
    when it comes to privacy,
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    labor protections, consumer rights,
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    but also to wield regulation
    against new market entrants
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    and shut them down,
    stop them from taking advantage
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    of that latent power of technology.
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    So you combine these four changes,
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    the drawdown of competition,
    the capture of regulators,
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    the deployment of regulation in the
    form of IP against new market entrance
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    and the gutting of labor
    power for tech workers.
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    We've seen it's now over 400,000
    tech layoffs in the last 24 months
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    in the United States alone
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    and you've got a place
    where people who
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    are no better than they
    used to be, and no worse
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    can simply act on their worst nature
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    without facing any
    constraint or consequence
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    so that you unleash the id
    of someone like Elon Musk
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    someone who has
    no principles except for
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    these kind of weird Muskist kind of
    every man for himself and me first
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    principles without any constraint
    and with unlimited access
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    to a capital market fattened on
    quantitative easing and huge bailouts
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    and you get what we have now,
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    you get this weird,
    manifestly unfit, paranoid
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    ultimately very stupid man, who's become
    extremely important to our politics.
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    [Mehran] Thank you, Cory.
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    Yanis, you've heard
    Cory's diagnosis.
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    What's your take?
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    [Yanis] It's so good to be
    hearing and listening to Corey,
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    because so far, for a while now, we've
    been reading each other's books,
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    we have been endorsing each other,
    promoting each other's books.
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    It's very good to actually be,
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    even if it's only in two dimensions,
    through the medium of cloud capital.
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    It's great, Corey, to be
    on the same timeline
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    and not just exchanging
    text messages.
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    Look, the only reason why we're
    talking about Elon Musk
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    and not Jeff Bezos or Zuckerberg
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    presently is because
    he has become
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    the de facto vice president
    of the United States.
    He purchased a very cushy position in the administration.
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    It was an amazing, an astonishing investment
    for a couple of hundred millions,
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    a couple of hundred billions,
    actually more.
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    I don't think there is a
    better return to one's dollar
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    than what he has already achieved.
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    Okay, so this is why
    we're talking about him.
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    I personally don't care at all, if he
    writes an op-ed in Die Welt
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    about his support of the AfD.
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    I believe in free speech.
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    If he wants to support
    poor excuses for human nature
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    in the German elections,
    let him do it.
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    Personally, I don't think
    this is what is worrying.
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    It's not just him, of course.
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    There is a gentleman that
    you all know, Peter Thiel,
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    that he has also engaged with himself.
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    These people who have joined the
    Trump campaign relatively early on.
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    Peter Thiel supplied the
    actual vice president, right?
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    It was a former employee
    of Peter Thiel.
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    All these things are perfectly legitimate
    reasons to feel sick in the stomach.
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    when you have men, the
    brolicarchy of tremendous wealth
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    with a very sordid history.
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    Don't forget the way that they've been
    treating the mothers of their children,
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    trying to impoverish them
    through the courts,
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    the way they've been endorsing
    books that are justifying torture
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    and laugh at the notion of human rights,
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    the zillions that they are
    making from government
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    and milking that particular procurement,
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    the manner in which they are targeting
    any government program
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    which doesn't enrich them,
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    but it does something little
    in order to assist the poor.
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    This is all nauseating stuff.
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    More recently, we saw Giorgia
    Meloni, the Italian Prime Minister,
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    visiting Miami and having
    a little tête-à-tête with Elon Musk.
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    I can tell you that one of the reasons
    why Elon Musk is so enamored of her
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    and doesn't want her
    to be deposed unlike
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    Nigel Farage that for some reason,
    suddenly he's in his bad books.
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    He wants, instead of giving
    him 100 million pounds,
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    he wants to depose him from the
    leadership of the reform UK party.
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    The reason is that Meloni has effectively
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    offered him the opportunity of having
    the Italian state move away from IRIS-II,
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    the satellite network that the
    European Union was planning to
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    create in competition with Starlink.
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    That is a reason to
    be extremely worried
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    when you have such deals
    being concocted in Mar-a-Lago
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    between the Italian neo-fascist
    Prime Minister and Elon Musk.
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    I don't need to add
    any adjectives to him.
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    But, having said all that, and let me
    just add one more thing,
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    He's not a free speech absolutist,
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    he's an absolutist, he's a totalitarian,
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    but that doesn't mean he
    cares about free speech
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    unless it is his own free speech.
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    Supposedly, he's supporting
    Tommy Robinson's free speech,
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    and the fact that Tommy Robinson
    is in prison for contempt of court,
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    for actually lying about
    a refugee, a Syrian refugee,
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    in court and outside of court.
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    But, when Julian Assange was rotting,
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    rotting in the Belmarsh
    High Security Prison,
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    Elon Musk said not one word,
    because for him,
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    a man who is convicted of nothing
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    should rot in prison if he goes against
    the interests of the CIA, of the NSA,
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    of the Pentagon, and of Elon Musk.
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    So give it a rest, Elon.
    You don't give a damn about freedom of
    speech and freedom of expression,
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    especially for the free press.
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    But the point of...
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    Now I'm going to play, to
    some extent, devil's advocate
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    in actually arguing that we need to ask
    ourselves what is really new about this?
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    Because many people are pretending
    that what is happening with Musk,
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    with Thiel, and with the other members
    of the Brotherhood of the Old Brolicarchy,
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    that this is something really new.
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    Well, is it?
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    Is it really new?
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    I mean, yes, but not for the
    reasons that most journalists
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    of the liberal establishment
    press tell us.
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    John D. Rockefeller, he headed a dynasty
    that makes Musk look an amateur.
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    Henry Ford, he bought newspapers
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    and canvassed and effectively forced
    municipalities to rip out tramways
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    and to replace them with
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    Ford automobiles and buses.
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    Thomas Edison electrocuted famously,
    an elephant at Coney Island
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    just to demonstrate that Westinghouse's
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    direct current electricity was dangerous,
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    sorry, alternating current was dangerous,
    whereas Edison's direct current wasn't.
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    Big business has always enjoyed a revolving
    door kind of relationship with government.
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    Remember that Bill Clinton appointed
    Rubin, the CEO of Goldman Sachs,
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    to the to the treasury, as
    his treasury finance minister,
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    in order effectively
    to remove all and every
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    shackle that was, since the 1930s,
    holding back Goldman Sachs
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    from effectively committing the crimes
    that they committed immediately after
    the Clinton administration
    allowed them to do this.
    And then, Obama brings the same person back in,
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    in order to bail out the same banks
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    after 2008 collapse
    that these bankers had created.
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    So we have to keep all this in mind.
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    But here's how we can
    complete this long thought.
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    There is one thing which is new
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    and that is the new form of capital
    that these people actually possess.
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    Everybody knows that
    I call it cloud capital.
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    It's not a produced means of production.
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    It's a produced means of
    behavioral modification.
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    It's effectively a new hyper weapon,
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    which these broligarchs, these
    cloudalists, as I call them,
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    or technofeudal barons or lords,
    they possess, which, a Henry Ford,
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    a Thomas Edison, a Westinghouse,
    a Rockefeller didn't.
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    Unless we understand
    the manner in which
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    this new form of capital,
    which I call cloud capital,
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    operates, and the way
    that it usurps markets,
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    it replaces them,
    it replaces profit with rent,
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    it effectively turns capital,
    cloud capital, into a gigantic parasite,
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    which is a hundred times,
    a million times bigger than
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    the organism on which
    it is parasitic.
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    The organism is traditional capitalism
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    and of course, the labor force
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    and, of course, the surplus value
    that these workers produce.
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    We need to understand that,
    because this new hyper weapon
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    of the lords of big tech, of the Musks
    of the world, not just Musk, Gates, Google,
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    don't forget them, right?
    Even though they are Democrats,
    they've always been in this game
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    and they're already in the inner circle
    of Trump or they will be very soon.
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    It is important to hone in
    on the political economy
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    of the phenomenon of which Musk
    is simply an epiphenomenon.
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    [Mehran] Thank you, Yanis.
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    Before I hand the floor
    back to you, Cory,
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    a couple of questions and
    comments from the chat.
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    Subradeep says: 'Musk is the
    face of right-wing extremism.
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    His extension of support for British
    anti-immigrant parties is a clear sign.'
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    Kirk Doherty says: 'An open market system
    should be open to everybody
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    without regulations to stop these rich
    boys from monopolising markets.
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    When I was a kid, monopolies were
    broken up, now they're not.
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    Sandoz says: 'Musk bought Twitter
    specifically to be able to
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    use his power to control the narrative,
    he's a real life Bond villain.
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    And Anonymous Friend notes that:
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    'It's a menace to U.S.
    national security state,
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    to allow someone
    to get this wealthy.'
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    Cory, hand it back to you,
    and you'll turn it to Yanis.
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    [Cory] Sure yeah, I think that it's important to
    understand what Musk is actually doing.
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    So Yanis used the phrase,
    behavior modification
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    and there's different ways of people
    deploying that phrase when they
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    describe how tech works.
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    I think some of them
    are quite useful.
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    Like, if you're a tech guy
    and you understand that
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    people have certain activities
    that are non-discretionary,
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    like being enmeshed in a community
    or dealing with government services
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    or your employer, or if your
    kid is going to school
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    and they have to use certain services,
    then how you use the technology
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    does indeed modify
    people's behavior, right?
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    You do in fact, force people to conduct
    their affairs in certain ways
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    and I think that is what we talk about
    when we talk about the risks of monopoly.
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    Historically, the case against monopoly
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    which, has been around
    for a very long time.
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    People have argued about
    this for a very long time.
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    Historically, the case for that
    has been that
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    if the state does not regulate firms
    to prevent them from getting too big,
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    then the firms themselves
    become regulators.
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    They get to decide who
    enters the market,
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    they get to decide how people
    conduct their lives, and so on.
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    If the only way you're going to get
    broadband out in the countryside
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    is with Elon Musk because Musk
    has convinced governments
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    not to pull fiber out to
    low-density communities,
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    which is a thing that he's
    currently embarked upon.
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    It's an echo of something
    he did previously,
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    which was to have this
    kind of fake high-speed train
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    between San Francisco and LA
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    that he promised but never built
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    after building this
    ridiculous demonstration,
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    which is a tiny tunnel in Las Vegas that
    goes from a hotel to a convention center.
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    He said, soon we'll build a version
    of this that's much larger
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    and it'll be evacuated
    so it'll be frictionless
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    and we'll send Tesla's through it so fast
    that no one will ever need the train.
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    And so then you starve the state
    of investment in public transit
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    and you get to sell cars
    in the same way
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    where we're seeing a drawdown
    of investment in fiber
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    in places where Starlink
    is very successful,
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    notably in Ontario where I'm from
    in Canada, there's been a lot of this,
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    and this is coming as a result of Musk
    wanting to control our behavior, right?
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    If he's the only game in town, when
    you want to get on the internet,
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    and we all have to get on the internet,
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    that's where our bank is,
    and our family is,
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    and our job is, and our kid's school is,
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    and how we interact with politics
    and civics and so on,
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    then you have to do it through Musk.
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    And so if Musk makes choices
    about which services are available
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    or which ones are prioritized
    and which ones are downranked
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    or how the services build and
    whether upload is billed at a higher rate
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    than download so you can
    consume but not participate.
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    That's structuring private behavior.
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    It's a very powerful form
    of behavior modification.
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    But there's another form
    of behavior modification
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    that tech bros like to claim,
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    and it goes back to this
    science fictional conceit,
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    which is that tech bros take
    this warmed over, Skinnerian
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    behavior modification psychology,
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    and they declare that they can combine
    it with big data and automated processes;
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    these days they just say with AI
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    and that they can use that to
    bypass your critical faculties
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    to make you do
    whatever they want.
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    And this is a very self-serving claim,
    especially if you're selling ads, right?
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    If your pitch to the advertisers
    is the reason you should to pay
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    a 40% premium to
    advertise on my service
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    is that I built a functional mind
    control ray using big data,
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    then that's a very great pitch.
    But, everyone who's ever claimed
    to have built a mind control ray
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    was lying to themselves
    or everyone else.
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    It was true of Rasputin,
    it was true of Mesmer,
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    it was true of the CIA with MKUltra,
    it's true of pickup artists
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    and people who believe in
    neuro-linguistic programming.
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    It's all junk.
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    Whatever behavior mod you get
    out of a new kind of trick,
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    quickly regresses to the mean,
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    the era in which 99 cents does not
    automatically equal a dollar
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    is long behind us, but there was
    a time when you could sell someone
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    something for 99 cents
    and they didn't realize that
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    you were selling them
    something for a dollar.
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    And so these tricks regress
    to the mean very quickly
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    and yet, you have these claims
    that are quite extraordinary
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    being made by tech bros and sometimes
    being echoed by their own critics.
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    This is a thing the scholar at Virginia
    Tech, Lee Vinsel, calls Crit-a-Hype,
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    where you repeat the hype claims.
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    So we saw a lot of this with Musk
    and his claims about automation.
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    Musk knows that his audience
    of business leaders is insatiably
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    horny for firing workers
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    and replacing them with
    machines who don't talk back.
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    And that's why Musk has
    put so much energy
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    into pretending to
    have built a robot.
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    Three years ago, he put a guy
    in a robot costume on stage
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    and had that robot dance around on stage
    and declared it to be a robot.
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    Last year, he put a
    remote-controlled robot on stage
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    that was being controlled by workers
    in an off-site location
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    and lied and said that it was
    an autonomous robot bartender
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    that would soon make
    every bartender obsolete.
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    These claims can be repeated
    in critical ways that are useful
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    and in critical ways that
    are useless or harmful.
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    So we can say usefully,
    it's quite shameful
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    that Musk and his
    audience of business leaders
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    hate workers and don't want to pay them
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    and would like to discipline
    them with automation
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    and suppress their wages.
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    We can say that it's ridiculous
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    that they put on these
    absurd demos
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    where they're just using this
    kind of Potemkin technology.
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    Those are good and useful criticisms,
    because they strike at the root of
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    how Musk is raising money and
    converting money to power.
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    But then, there's a harmful criticism,
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    a criticism that's self-defeating,
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    which is to say, Musk has
    got a mind control ray
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    because he owns Twitter,
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    or Musk is going to make labor obsolete
    because he's got functional robots,
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    or Musk is going to put all the
    taxi drivers out of business
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    because he's invented
    a full self-driving car.
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    Musk has promised
    a full self-driving car
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    within 12 months every year
    since 2014, like clockwork.
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    He does not have a
    full self-driving car.
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    He is not likely to have a full
    self-driving car anytime soon.
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    If we point out that he's lying in order
    to suck in naive investors
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    and to feed a hype cycle
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    that is hostile to workers
    and human thriving,
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    we do good work in
    countering Musk's power,
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    but, if we repeat his self-serving
    lies as criticism, right?
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    If we say Musk is a sorcerer
    who's got autonomous robots,
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    a super intelligent AI,
    a self-driving car,
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    all of the things that
    he claims that he's got,
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    which he manifestly
    doesn't have,
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    we help him sell stock
    in his enterprises.
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    We help him land more cushy,
    no-bid government contracts.
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    We help him hold back
    the public transit investment,
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    broadband investment,
    all of these other things.
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    A good example of this
    would actually just be
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    understanding the
    limitations of Starlink.
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    So Starlink, it is a revolutionary technology in many ways,
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    and there are certainly
    applications for it.
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    No one's ever gonna
    put a fiber optic cable
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    on a ship in the middle
    of the Pacific Ocean.
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    That's a place where having a
    satellite constellation be very useful,
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    but the idea that Starlink can ever
    compete with hardline internet,
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    let alone fiber, is absurd.
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    We're talking about a technology
    whose maximum speed,
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    if you are the sole user of it,
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    is one one-millionth of the maximum
    speed of a single strand of fiber,
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    but unlike fiber, you
    can't add to that speed.
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    You can put lots of strands
    of fiber in the same conduit,
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    and unlike fiber, every time
    someone joins your Starlink cluster,
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    one of your neighbors on Starlink,
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    your speed drops in half.
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    The idea that we can
    just somehow solve this
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    by 'innovating', is like the idea that we can
    somehow solve the traffic problem
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    by innovating with self driving cars.
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    Geometry hates cars.
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    There is no number of self-driving cars
    you can add that will reduce traffic
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    in the same way that there's no number
    of spectrum sharing satellite transceivers
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    that can reduce the congestion
    on the only electromagnetic spectrum
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    in the universe that
    we have accessible to us.
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    And so it's really important to focus
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    on the material reality
    of what he's delivering
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    and to contrast that with
    what he's claiming to deliver
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    and to focus our a criticism on
    the things that make him poorer
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    and weaker and not the things
    that help him sell more nonsense.
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    [Mehran] Thank you Cory.
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    Yanis, as I hand it over to you, just to
    tee it up on the same topic,
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    Sasha from the chat says: 'I get that AI
    and digital cloud technologies are scary,
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    but do we actually believe it's something
    entirely new and that much more effective
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    at modifying behavior than TV
    and traditional media used to be?'
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    [Yanis] Yes, absolutely.
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    But first let me also say that:
    you see, Musk has succeeded
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    in making us talk about him
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    and not talk about Jeff Bezos,
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    who is a far more scary figure for me
    and a greater menace to the world.
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    And not just him, right?
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    But Thiel, Google and so on,
    Zuckerberg, what happened?
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    Have we forgotten about Zuckerberg
    and Cambridge Analytica
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    and Facebook and all that
    and Instagram?
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    So he succeeded.
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    One of the reasons why he
    bought Twitter was because
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    he didn't have that
    much cloud capital.
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    They were producing
    all type of terrestrial capital,
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    even if some of it went up in space.
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    Let me now answer our viewer's point,
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    which I think goes to the heart of it,
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    and it also connects with another question
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    that we had in the chat on YouTube.
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    Is it any different to a monopoly?
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    Is this different to standard
    monopoly capitalism?
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    Why can't we regulate Big Tech in the way
    that Roosevelt regulated and broke up
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    Standard Oil and
    Rockefeller's enterprises.
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    There is a difference.
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    The difference is that from where
    I'm standing, take Amazon for instance,
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    it's not a monopoly, folks.
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    It's not even a marketplace.
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    It is a trading platform
    on which you will find
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    hundreds of thousands at every
    moment in time of buyers and sellers.
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    But it is not a market.
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    Because a market requires a degree
    of decentralization, even a monopoly.
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    Imagine you go into a shopping
    mall which is owned by one person
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    and that person owns all the shops,
    controls everything that is there,
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    the advertising, everything.
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    At least you and I you know,
    you Cory, me, Mehran,
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    we can walk around together and
    we can actually talk about it.
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    We can even organize a little consumer
    boycott between the three of us saying
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    we're not going to buy from that bastard
    who owns the shopping mall, right?
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    But when you're in Amazon,
    you can't talk to one another.
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    Every communication, every sale,
    every offer, every post is regulated
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    by a centrally planned
    algorithm that belongs to Jeff Bezos.
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    So essentially, this is not a market.
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    It's a trading place which is controlled,
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    which as I've written before,
    and Cory knows that I like to make this point,
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    it is the wet dream of the Soviet planners,
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    of Gosplan, of the Ministry
    of Economic Planning.
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    Because what was the Ministry of Economic Planning, Gosplan, trying to do under the Soviet Union, especially after 1956?
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    They were trying to replace the market,
    especially after they got rid of the new economic policy
    of Lenin and so on.
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    They wanted to replace the market
    with a bureaucratic system,
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    a cybernetic kind of algorithmic
    process,
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    by which to match individual consumers
    with individual producers, or with factories,
    or with farmers.
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    And saying to the factory that made shoes,
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    we want so many shoes, color black, these sizes, at
    these prices.
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    And then match these shoes
    with the demand from the consumers.
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    Okay, to replace the market.
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    Now this is exactly, exactly what the algorithm of Amazon does.
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    The difference is that under
    the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
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    at least there were some pretence,
    that this was done for the purposes of maximizing social welfare.
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    Whereas in the case of Amazon,
    it's not even a secret.
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    The algorithm is optimized for one purpose:
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    To maximize the likelihood that Jeff Bezos
    will extract the maximum rent from each transaction
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    and the maximum amount of free labor
    from each one of us
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    who posts and reviews and does stuff on
    Amazon.com, right?
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    So this is not a monopoly.
    I call it a cloud thiefdom.
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    You can call it a digital thiefdom or
    a digital platform which is feudal
    in nature
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    because this guy doesn't produce
    anything of the stuff that you buy on Amazon.
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    He simply charges a rent for every economic activity that has happening on that.
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    I call it a cloud rent in order to distinguish it from a ground rent.
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    Because the cloud rent, unlike in feudalism,
    requires,
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    in order to materialize, it requires a lot of capital.
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    But it's a cloud capital form.
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    It is of the algorithm type
    which modifies what we do.
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    Cory is right: They will never succeed, thankfully...
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    They will never succeed in brainwashing us,
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    in making me want to buy a coffee machine
    if I don't like coffee.
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    They will never be able to do that.
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    But they can modify my behavior
    regarding my priorities.
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    If I want to buy an electric bicycle,
    I may buy much, much earlier than I would have.
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    And I will buy it from a vendor that
    the algorithm chooses for me
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    for the purpose of maximizing
    the cloud rent of Jeff Bezos.
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    Now, that is a unique power and
    one that you cannot regulate
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    in a way that the Teddy Roosevelt
    administration utilized in order to regulate.
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    So we need something very, very different here,
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    unless we find ways of socializing the algorithm
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    and changing property rights of the algorithm.
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    I don't believe we can do it very much
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    in the standard New Deal, social democratic
    European manner.
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    [Mehran] Thank you, Yanis.
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    There's lots of people on the chat
    who are clamoring for solutions to
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    some of the problems
    that we're talking about.
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    We will get to that in a minute.
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    But before I do, since we talk politics
    and this is a political topic, Yanis,
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    while you still have the floor,
    I would just like to focus a little on
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    Musk's recent interventions
    in European politics.
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    And if you can draw for us, like,
    what is it about European politics?
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    Is European politics uniquely
    vulnerable to this kind of influence?
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    Is there something new
    that's happening here or not?
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    Is this just the same old billionaires'
    influencing politics as always?
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    [Yanis] Well, we need to separate Musk's
    reasons for doing what he's doing,
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    which I don't understand,
    I have to admit.
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    I think that the guy is probably
    on the verge of a nervous breakdown.
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    I think that he may need some
    therapy for his own purposes.
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    If you remember the great movie
    Citizen Kane, when Kane starts losing it
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    and he wants to be not only
    the great distributor of news,
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    but he also wants to be president.
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    He wants to be senator or whatever it is.
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    And he wants to, the only thing he didn't
    want to become at some point was
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    archbishop or, you know,
    the pope.
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    So there is paranoia.
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    But I don't care what, I'm not in
    the business of minding Musk's soul.
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    But the point you are raising,
    Mehran, is central.
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    It's the reason why DiEM25 exists,
    because Europe is a bank.
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    We created DiEM25 because
    in 2015-2016 it became absolutely obvious,
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    evident, self-evident that it is a faulty
    political and economic design,
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    especially after we created
    the common currency.
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    We have effectively created
    the circumstances
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    that will maximize the magnitude and
    depth of economic crisis,
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    of social crisis, of political crisis,
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    while at the same time removing
    all the shock absorbers,
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    the social programs and
    the social support programs
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    that would ameliorate this crisis.
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    And the result is, we were saying,
    remember, back in 2015, 2016,
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    that Europe will either democratize, or
    by 2025, and thus the 25 in DiEM25,
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    this whole thing called the European Union
    is going to start disintegrating
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    with immense political, social,
    ethical, of course technological costs.
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    And this is what is happening.
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    So you know, in Europe now,
    there is no government in Germany,
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    there is no government in France.
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    The Austrian government has
    just not even convened.
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    Holland has a government
    which they can't be proud of,
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    with the Geert Wilders party effectively
    having the prime ministership.
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    Italy is in the hands of a neo-fascist.
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    The greatest hope of the liberal
    establishment, Emmanuel Macron,
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    is effectively a lame duck
    facing an early retirement.
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    And the most interesting thing is that
    the greatest, if you want, organizational mind in Europe
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    from the establishment point of view,
    Mario Draghi,
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    the former head of the European Central
    Bank
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    and former Italian Prime Minister, who came out
    with a proposal which is interesting.
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    I mean, at least it's a sensible, rational,
    bourgeois, liberal proposal
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    for what needs be done in Europe,
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    that he was paid millions in order to
    produce by European taxpayers.
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    He tabled that proposal a few months ago
    and it's already in the dustbin.
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    It's already been confined to
    the dustbin of history by the leaders of Europe.
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    So that I think explains why any Musk
    around the world,
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    any sort of deranged alt-rightist with
    a smidgen of power can poke fun at the Europeans.
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    And it is absurd that it is an issue that
    Musk wrote and op-ed in Die Welt.
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    Who cares?
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    And the only reason why we care is
    because we feel so insecure
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    as a result of having allowed
    the European Union effectively to
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    become non-viable and a clear
    and present danger for humanity,
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    not just for Europeans, but we are
    the stupid continent
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    that is going to play a very significant
    role in destabilizing the globe.
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    [Mehran] Thank you Yanis.
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    Cory, your take on that please.
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    [Cory] So I'm slightly more
    optimistic about Europe
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    maybe because I'm the regretful
    holder of a British passport
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    and so I keenly feel the loss of
    my European-ness
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    and have done for many years.
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    I'll tell you, I think that if we want to think
    about kind of the underlying motivations,
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    the political economy of how and why
    people fight monopolies
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    and then the nuts and bolts of
    how monopolies get fought,
  • Not Synced
    look at the historic examples and
    some contemporary examples,
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    there are some important differences,
    Yanis, as you say,
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    between the trust-busting fights
    of the Gilded Age
  • Not Synced
    and the early part of the 20th century,
    going after Rockefeller and so on.
  • Not Synced
    And some of them cut against
    using the tools that we had before, right?
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    I think you've enumerated them well.
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    But some of those differences
    actually cut in favor of doing
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    monopoly enforcement
    in today's world.
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    So one would be the globalized
    nature of tech platforms.
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    This is weirdly enough,
    a kind of advantage
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    or can be turned to advantage
    by regulators
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    and an example of that pretty recently
    is that the United Kingdom chartered in
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    I believe 2019 the largest technical unit of
    any competition regulator in the world,
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    something called the Digital Markets Unit
    at the Competition and Markets Authority.
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    They hired 70 engineers on
    full-time government salaries
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    to do really deep in-depth investigations
    of the monopolization tactics of large tech firms.
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    This is an order of magnitude
    more technologists per capita
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    than any other competition
    regulator in the world,
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    and there was meant to be secondary
    legislation to give them enforcement powers
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    that they could use in combination
    with all this technical expertise,
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    and that secondary legislation
    just died on the order paper,
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    year after year until late last year,
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    not because of any particular
    animus, I'll get to that in a second,
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    among regulators against antitrust,
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    but just because the UK has been
    in such a shambles, right?
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    They just have government after government,
    proroguing after proroguing,
    no confidence votes and so on.
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Title:
E105: Musk’s Move Into Politics: Yanis Varoufakis and Cory Doctorow on Fighting Billionaire Control
Description:

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Video Language:
English
Duration:
01:14:02

English, British subtitles

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