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So in this lecture, we'll focus on this
feature of Chinese education identified
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by Max Weber, the link between social
mobility and the examination system in
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late Imperial china.
Because in Imperial China one of the many
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gifts of imperial Chinese civilization to
world civilization is not just paper, gun
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powder Chinese cuisine, but is a system
of objective testing, of social service
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testing.
Which in the, in the Chinese imperial
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system provided approximately half of
these spaces for government position.
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Approximately half were open to people
with either heredity or wealth, and
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approximately half were open to people
based on examination success.
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there were let's say three step ladder of
examinations with the bot-, with the
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bottom degree being called the the
Shengyuan or Xiucai Degree, so that of
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which there are about 500,000 such
licentiates, about 50,000 Juren or
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equivalents.
About one-third are juren the other
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two-thirds are gongsheng tribute students
and 4,000 jinshi the effigy of the
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Chinese examination system.
who's inscriptions, personal inscriptions
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still are preserved on stone in Beijing
and the Beijing Confucian Temple and if
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you are to visit them you'll see there.
All 51,000 jinshi of the 13th century til
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the early 20th century have their names,
their places of origin, their rank
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faithfully recorded for the tourists of
today to admire and to acknowledge.
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So here you see the pyramid of civil
service exams and degrees Qing China with
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a jinshi at the top followed by the juren
we'll skip tribute students then the
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licensed, the shengyuan and below them
the literate, the examination literate
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students and commoners.
Often they were in a country of maybe 50
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million adult males, there were at best 5
million.
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So in other words, if there were such 5
million sort of only examination level
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educated adults.
What this means is that for the
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population as a whole perhaps 1% of all
adult males might become a Shengyuan, a
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licentiate.
But 10% of all ex-, examination level
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educated adult males could eventually
aspire to becoming a Shengyuan.
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perhaps One tenth of a percent of all
adult males might eventually become a
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Juren.
But one percent of examination level
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educated adult males would eventually
become a Juren.
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And perhaps 100th of one percent of all
adult males might become a Jinshi.
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But as many as one per thousand of the
examination level educated adult males
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would eventually become a Jinshi.
So in other words sort of if we were to
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put this, and it's not exactly analogous,
into sort of contemporary higher
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education terms.
The University of California admits
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approximately 10, 12%.
Of all sort of high school grads so that
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would be roughly the level of a
Shengyuan.
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the more elite universities would have
proportions of, instead of 10, instead of
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10 for 100 we'd be having proportions of
one for 100, or in the case of the most
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elite private, one per thousand...
The first systematic, big, historical,
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Chinese data collection was not done by
members of the Lee-Campbell research
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group but was done by my teacher Ho
Ping-ti, who did this not in the last
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sort of decade or two.
But who did this work over 50 years ago
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China, The Ladder of Success In late
Imperial China.
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And what professor Ho did, he collected
for almost 40,000 suc-, successful degree
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holders about the 15,000 Jinshi, about
23,000 Juren He collected systematic
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biographical data using either
examination achievement books called
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Dengkelu or using sort of government
curricula vita called Yuli.
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Or using various other kinds of
biographical compendia.
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of these degree holders to get systematic
information on the social background of
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the people who pass these various exams.
More recently, just in the last few
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years, partly at HKUST, Jian Ching a
graduate student at HKUST, currently an
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assistant professor.
Of history at Shanghai University, Shen
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Dengmiao, an independent scholar in the
People's Republic of China.
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And my co-teacher Byung-ho Lee have
updated Ho's earlier data with additional
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information on several thousand Ming
jinshi and an even larger number Qing
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juren.
Now, Ho used these data to document that
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unlike the west, where most elites
especially political elites, were
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hereditary nobles representing at most
one percent of all people.
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Half of late imperial Chinese officials
were chosen by an objective test of their
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ability as opposed to their birth.
I'll bet for those families privileged
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enough to provide at lest their sons an
examination-level education.
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In late Imperial China such families
comprises as many as ten percent of all
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people.
And moreover since the alternative ladder
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of success was through purchase, social
prestige and political authority were as
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much the real of the wealthy as the
capable Rather than the noble.
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So, rather than one percent, at least say
ten percent of the entire population.
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Ten times more people who could rise to
the top.
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He divided the population of successful
degree winners into three categories.
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To determine whether their family
background was from more exalted families
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or more humble families, which he called
categories a, b, and c.
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In category a, the most humble, there was
no degree holder in the patrial line for
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the last three generations.
In other words, the successful
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candidate's father, grandfather, great
grandfather had passed no degree, not
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even the ten per hundred.
And in category B one or more had at
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least received a Shengyuan degree which
remember was 10% of examination literate
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educated adult males.
And in category C, one or more had
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achieved a higher degree in the last
three generations.
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So, in other words he's asking if we take
the either all adult males or all
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examination educated adult males.
Category A is from the bottom 90%.
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Category B is from the top 10% of this
pool.
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And category C is from the top one or
even more exalted proportions of this
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pool.
And so, the question he asks is, of the
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people who did, were successful in
getting the Juren or the Jinshi degree,
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how many came from families that recently
had experienced this one per a thousand
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or one per hundred success rate?
Or 10 per 100 success rate, or really
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were from, as defined by his previous
examinations, success by immediate direct
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patrilineal relatives, or from relatively
quote humble, backgrounds.
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So he did this by taking information from
sources such as this Ming h, examination
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record, Dengkulu, of Jinshi candidates.
And by looking at the kind of information
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in these, so these data record such
things as their ranking in the exam,
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their name whether they specialize in
the, some particular academic specialty.
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In this case, the the the five classics
their birth order, the records of family
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members, the registered occupational
status, in this case they comes from,
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this person comes from a Ryuji, from a
family of teachers.
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and then information on their test
results, the test results of their
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ancestors and then from this information
Bing De Ho produced his three categories.
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So you have examples such, here, as
Category A, people who had no ancestor
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who ever held an official position, or
passed one of the official exams, or they
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had at least one ancestor who held a in
this case a a, at least a Juren or a
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Jinshi exam.
And he finds other information such as
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say in this case, the grandfather being
the subdirector of a Confucian school and
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so on.
And he uses this information to go to
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classify all of his 15,000 Jinshi,
approximately sort of, to classify them
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as A, B or C.
So, what he discovered, which at the it
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time he came out was quite striking.
Later on it was sort of modified by the
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field in terms of the implications of his
findings.
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But what he found was, was that if you
take category A, people who had for the
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last three generations no one in that top
10% category, combine and say with
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category B where they had only one person
or more, but none of a higher degree.
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You see that for the, from the 14th
century up through the early 20th
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century.
So for about the 550 years or so, what
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you'll see is that almost half of the
people who reach the highest degree came
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from families.
That had not had such a similar
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accomplishment in the last three
generations.
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So in other words, this is if we were to
take the students at Harvard, and we were
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to say that unlike the contemporary
Harvard, where many of them are legacy
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students, that is to say that their
parents.
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Their grandparents, their great parents,
all went to Harvard.
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in in the past, the majority of students
had no such background.
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and while the category C increased over
time.
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It only increased from 40 to about 60%.
Looking at the Juren biographies that the
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Ho collected.
He has information, their name records of
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the family members, their date of birth,
records of distant kin and their place of
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residence rank in the provincial exam and
probably again can do a category A, a
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category B, a category C, but in this
case, A is people who had no ancestors, B
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again is is people who had at least a
Shungyuen degree, and C is
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Focusing not so much this time
necessarily on Jinshi's status but even
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Juren's status and other kinds of,
Gongshen attribute student status and so
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on.
And then again looking at ABC what
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Professor Ho shows is that the patterns
for Juren are roughly similar to the
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patterns for Gongsheng, in the sense that
here's looking at the 19th century, 1804
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to 1910.
And it can show you that the Category A
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is usually at least one 5th of the
successful candidates.
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In other words there was nobody, even the
late 19th century, which is sort of
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represents, as you remember, looking at
the Gongsheng, the most, the more closed
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period of Chinese social mobility, even
during this more closed period, 20% of
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the Juren degree holders came from
families where there was no previous
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degree of any kind.
Another 20 to 30% came from families that
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only had a one or, or more people who had
passed to that 10% level.
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So, combining again Category A and B, you
find proportions for the Juren and
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Juren's students status Gongsheng which
are roughly similar to the Junshen.
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So, in every level what you can see is
that, yes it is true that only people
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taking the examination literacy could
even potentially take these exams.
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So in other words, what we're talking
about is not social mobility for the
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population as as whole, we're talking
about social mobility for that top 10 %
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before that top 10 %, what we do see is
that.
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there is remarkable sort of flow up and
down, within that larger elite group.
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And we have to remember that from a
historical context, to have a potentially
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sort of a potentially, upwardly mobile
group of people the 10% is remarkably
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high compared to say female nobility
which are you know, less than 1% of the
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total population in the west.
so what Professor Ho discovered which was
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so important is that He was able to
document using this collection of big
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data.
Now, in his case it wasn't done by
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computer, this was done by hand.
And he was using these so there's a
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result his data collection could not be
sort of put on some kind of online
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downloadable version.
it was unfortunately subject really only
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to for his own use.
but he was able to discover that China in
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the past as early as the 14th Century was
indeed far more mobile than any 14th
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Century population at the national level
in what is now the developed world.
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So over half of all government officials
in late imperial China were chosen by
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civil service exams, open to all men
regardless of economic or social status,
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and of these people, a significant
proportion,as Professor Ho showed Came
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from families, although they may have had
access to elite education, often through
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kinship themselves were not elite in
terms of immediate patrilineal
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examination success or official position.
Not just that their own generation or
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their parent's generation or their
grandparent's generations, but even of
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the great grandparent's generation.
And so while many of these officials are
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not necessarily from truly humble origins
in it's absolute term, the contrast with
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officialdom elsewhere in the world,
especially premodern and early-modern
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European states, is quite extreme.
So in China education and test
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performance as Weber identified about
almost a century ago, explain why some
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rise to the top while others do not.
It took almost 50 years after Professor
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Ho for the field to sort of advance.
On his knowledge and that most the most
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conspicuous can see an example of such
achievement is actually by a graduate
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student at the, the Hong Kong University
of Science and Technology Jiang Qin who
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was a PhD just last year in 2012.
The student of one of my colleagues James
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Qung.
Now, what Jiang Qin did I was privileged
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to sit on his committee was that, he
under James' direction not from us, I'm
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ashamed to say.
He collected similar information to
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Professor Ho's but did this
systematically.
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Did this in a data base which he can in
the future put online and make it
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available to the academy at large to
examine.
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And using a a collection of examination
essays put together over a long period of
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time by the Shanghai library, he was able
to get the the final examinations and the
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family background from nearly 12,000
Jinshi which is about half the total
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Jinshi during the Qing.
And from these exam essay data he
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constructed a representative sample of
4000 Juren from 18 provinces who pass the
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provincial exams between 1789 and 1895.
And in this thesis, he does many
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calculations, all of which sort of
elaborate on Professor Ho's findings.
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I'll just present one here.
He shows you, for example that, again,
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contrasting wealth versus ability, that
ability actually effects the success
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rate.
in the Jinshi exam, whereas all things
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being equal, family wealth does not.
So if you look at the two sort of figures
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below he shows you how people who pass
the exam at a younger age so here really
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especially below age 20.
People that have passed the exam at a
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younger age are far more likely to also
pass the Jinshi exam.
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And he also shows that people who scored
high when they passed the provisional
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exam are much more likely to be
successful in achieving the next degree,
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the Jinshi degree.
So for example, when you look at figure
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B, you can see that the,within seven
years which would be there for, in other
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words, three attempts at the Jinshi exam,
the top ten percent candidates in the
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provincial exam Were almost twice more
likely than the bottom 10% of successful
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Juren candidates to achieve the Jinshi
degree.
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So one of Jian Qin's important findings
is that to elaborate on Professor Ho's
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finding that many of the successful
candidates came from more humble
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background and to say that this is
probably because of the importance
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actually of cognitive testability on a
the candidate.
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So one of the reasons why family
background mattered less, is because
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people who were able to, were so smart
that they're in the top 10% of the
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distribution or, they are so smart that
they are able to pass the examination at
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an especially young age.
These people are much more likely to
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become Jinshi as well as Juren.
So that it's partly this objective test
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is able to actually identify capture.
And favor those people with better
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testing ability.