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Narrator: As we'll see in this video
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and in others, the roots
of a lot of the current
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disagreements in the Middle East
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and a lot of the conflict
in the Middle East
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can actually be traced
back to World War I.
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I realize this is an
incredibly touchy subject
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that there are people who
have very strong feelings
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on either side of it and
my goal here is to really
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give my best attempt at
what really happened.
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I encourage you to doubt any of this
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and look it up yourself and come, frankly,
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to your own conclusions.
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Let's rewind back to October of 1915,
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or 1915 in particular.
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The British were already
at war with the Ottoman's.
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Just as a reminder of
some of what happened
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in 1915, the Gallipoli campaign,
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by the end of 1915 it was pretty clear
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that this was a disaster for the allies.
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The Ottoman's were able
to fend off the allies,
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they were in retreat.
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The British were able to
fend off the Ottoman's
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when they tried to attack
the Suez canal in 1915.
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This is the background,
you can imagine the British
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are eager to get any other allies they can
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in their battle against the Ottoman's.
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In particular, they are
eager to get the help
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of the Arab's who have been under the rule
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of the Ottoman's for hundreds of years.
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That's the backdrop where you have
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this correspondence between
the high commissioner
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in Egypt, the British high commissioner,
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Sir Henry McMahon and the Sharif of Mecca,
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Hussein bin ʿAli, who
had his own aspirations
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to essentially be the
king of an independent
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Arab state.
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They kept going back
and forth from mid 1915
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to early 1916 talking about
what the state could be.
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Obviously the British want his support,
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wants him to lead a revolt
against the Ottoman's.
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He's already articulated the boundaries
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for a state that he would like to see.
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So, that gives us a context
for this correspondence
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in October of 1915.
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This is from Sir Henry McMahon to Hussein.
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"... it is with great pleasure
that I communicate to you
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"on their behalf," the
British government's behalf,
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"the following statement,
which I am confident
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"you will receive with satisfaction.
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"The two districts of
Mersina and Alexandretta
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"and portions of Syria lying to the west
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"of the districts of Damascus, Homs, Hama,
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"and Aleppo cannot be
said to be purely Arab,
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"and should be excluded
from the limits demanded."
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This is referring to the limits that
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Hussein bin Ali had demanded
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in previous correspondence.
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"With the above modifications,"
so just that region
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right over there, this right over here is
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Mersina, Alexandretta, this is Hama,
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Homs, Damascus, so really
what he's referring to
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is this region, the west,
the west of those cities
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right over here.
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He's saying look, you
can't really consider
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this to be purely Arab,
I'm going to exclude
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this out of the boundaries
of this potential
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independent Arab state.
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"With the above modification,
and without prejudice
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"to our existing treaties with Arab chiefs
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"we accept those limits,"
we accept those limits.
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"As for those regions lying
within those frontiers
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"wherein Great Britain is free to act
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"without determinant to
the interest of her ally,
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"France," so as long as
I'm not getting in trouble
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with France, "I'm empowered in the name of
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"the Government of Great
Britain to give the following
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"assurances and make the following reply
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"to your letter; Subject to
the above modifications,"
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so taking this part out,
"Great Britain is prepared
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"to recognize and support the independence
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"of the Arabs in all the
regions within the limits
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"demanded by the Sharif of Mecca."
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So, essentially it
included all of this region
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and actually much beyond
what I'm showing here,
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kind of present day Syria, Jordan, Iraq,
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parts of present day Saudi Arabia.
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All of that is essentially,
the British are saying,
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yeah we're going to
allow you to have that,
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an independent state there.
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"Great Britain will
guarantee the Holy Places
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"against all external aggression
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"and will recognize their inviolability.
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"... I am convinced that
this declaration will assure
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"you beyond all possible doubt,"
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beyond all possible
doubt, "of the sympathy
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"of Great Britain towards
the aspiration of her friends
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"the Arabs, and will result in a firm
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"and lasting alliance,
the immediate results
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"of which will be the
expulsion of the Turks
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"from the Arab countries and the freeing
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"of the Arab peoples
from the Turkish yoke,
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"which for so many years
has pressed heavily
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"upon them."
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This actually does help
to convince the Arab's
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to rise up against the Turks,
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against the Ottoman Empire,
they play a significant
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role in the Palestine Campaign,
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they rise up in June of 1916.
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Now, the video that I did
on the Palestine Campaign,
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I got several comments
of people being cynical
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about Britain's intentions
and it does look like
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the British were, indeed, cynical.
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T.E. Lawrence famous
for Lawrence of Arabia
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was often depicted as
this mystical fellow,
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this guy who had this
kinship with the Arab's.
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His actual correspondence with the
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British government actually
do show that he did have
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a kind of ... he was doing, I guess,
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in the words of George
W. Bush, a little bit of
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strategery, he had a more cynical view
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of this relationship with the Arab's.
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This is some correspondence that he wrote
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in early 1916, so right
about the same time
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that all of this was going on.
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This says he's referring
to a possible Arab revolt,
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or Hussein's activity.
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"Hussein's activity
seems beneficial to us,
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"because it matches
with our immediate aims,
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"the break-up of the Islamic 'bloc'
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"and the defeat and disruption of the
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"Ottoman Empire."
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Assuming he didn't really talk about this,
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this being one of the
... the British didn't
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talk about that when they
were talking to Hussein.
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"If we can arrange that
this political change
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"shall be a violent one,
we will have abolished
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"the threat of Islam, by
dividing it against itself,
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"in its very heart."
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"There will then be a Khalifa,"
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kind of a seat of Islam, "in Turkey
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"and a Khalifa in Arabia,
in theological warfare."
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This is T.E. Lawrence, I got this from
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The Golden Warrior: The Life and Legend
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of Lawrence of Arabia.
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Even this, somewhat
portrayed as a heroic figure,
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was doing things in very strategic,
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strategic terms.
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To make things worse for the Arab's,
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while the British were
trying to convince them
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to revolt, they were also
in secret negotiations
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with the French on how they would divide
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the Middle East if they were able
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to beat the Ottoman's.
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At this point in the war
the British were already
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making some progress in Mesopotamia,
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but they really hadn't really started
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on the Palestine Campaign right here.
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So, this was all conjecture.
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The British representatives was Sykes,
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the French representative was Picot,
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this was done with the
consent of the Russian's.
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You didn't have a revolution in Russia
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as of now, so in early
1916, in May this agreement
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was concluded, this secret agreement.
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You have the Sykes-Picot Agreement,
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it's secret.
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Let me write that, it
is a secret agreement
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between Britain and France
and essentially they are
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carving up the entire
Middle East between them.
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This blue area right here,
this would be occupied
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by the French, part of eastern Turkey
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or modern day eastern
Turkey would be given
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to the Russian's.
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The British would be able to occupy,
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would occupy southern Mesopotamia
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essentially insuring protection of the oil
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that is coming out of Persia.
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Oil is becoming more
and more of a relevant
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factor in kind of global power.
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Then you have these two protectorates
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right over here, which in theory could be
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independent or an independent Arab state,
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or two independent Arab
states under the protection.
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Let me put that in quotes,
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because "protectorate"
is always not as nice
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as it sounds, under the
protection of the French
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or the British which means,
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"Hey you're an independent
state, but we will
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"protect you in case
anyone wants to invade."
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The reality of protectorate
is that it usually involves
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the people doing the protecting have all
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the real power and all the real influence.
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The Sykes-Picot Agreement
also give this little
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carve out to Britain so
they would have access
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to the Mediterranean.
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Palestine, or the Roman Kingdom of Judea,
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this is carved out as a
separate international property
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something that would be
administered by multiple
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states and I guess the argument would be,
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this is where the Holy Land's are,
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multiple religions have
some of their holiest sites
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within here and so they
carved it out like this.
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Once again, this is all in secret,
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they obviously don't want
the Arab's to find out
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because they're about
to convince the Arab's
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to join in a revolt against the Ottoman's.
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Now, to make things ... once
again, this was all secret
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up to this point in 1916
when it was all agreed on.
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Then you forward to 1917 where we have
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the famous Balfour Declaration.
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This right over here is
the Balfour Declaration
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and it was essentially a letter from
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the Foreign Secretary
of the U.K., Balfour,
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to Lord Rothschild who was
a leading [Briticizen] ,
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a leading member of the Jewish community.
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In it he writes, "Dear Lord Rothschild,
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"I have much pleasure in conveying to you,
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"on behalf of His Majesty's Government,
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"the following declaration of sympathy
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"with Jewish Zionist
aspirations which has been
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"submitted to, and
approved by, the Cabinet.
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"His Majesty's Government view with favor
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"the establishment in
Palestine of a national home,"
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of a national home,
"for the Jewish people,
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"and will use their best
endeavors to facilitate
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"the achievement of this objective.
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"It being clearly understood
that nothing shall be done
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"which may prejudice the
civil and religious rights
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"of existing non-Jewish
communities in Palestine,
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"or the rights and political
status enjoyed by Jews
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"in any other country.
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"I should be grateful if you would bring
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"this declaration to the knowledge of the
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"Zionist Federation."
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Signed Artur Balfour.
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In here, he's not explicitly saying ...
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and they're being very careful here,
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he's not saying we're supporting a state
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for the Jewish people, but he's saying
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he is supporting the
return of national home
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for the Jewish people,
but at the same time,
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he's saying that it
being clearly understood
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that nothing shall be
done which may prejudice
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the civil and religious
rights of the existing
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non-Jewish communities in Palestine.
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Needless to say, you
can imagine that this is
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making the Arab's fairly uncomfortable.
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On one side it seems, based on some of the
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McMahon-Hussein
correspondences that were ...
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especially in 1915, that
they were being promised
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an independent Arab state which included
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much of this territory,
but at the same time,
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in the Balfour Declaration
the British were promising
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to, kind of the Jewish diaspora,
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that they could have a homeland there
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and it might one day, who
knows, it might one day
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turn in to some type of a state.
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To make the Arab's even
more uncomfortable,
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this was in November 2, 1917.
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By the end of November,
you have to remember
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that 1917 you first had a revolution,
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in Russia the Czar was
overthrown in February
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and in March of 1917, and October
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the Bolshevik's take over.
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They want to get out of the war,
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they don't like all these secret deals,
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not clear that they
would even get what they
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were entitled to these secret deals,
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so they actually release
all the entire text
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of the Sykes-Picot Agreement.
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They released this, so in the same month
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you have the Arab's and the Ottoman's
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and the Ottoman's were
very happy to see this
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because it would undermine
the Arab's belief
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in maybe supporting the allies,
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but in one month you have
the Arab's finding out
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about the Balfour Declaration,
which was a pulbic
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declaration and then later that month
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because of the Russian release of it,
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the formally secret Sykes-Picot Agreement,
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so it makes them very,
or at least a little bit
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more suspicious.
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So you can imagine the British Empire
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trying to have it both
ways, to kind of have
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support from the Jewish Diaspora
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while at the same time have
support from the Arab's
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in their revolt against the Ottoman's
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would lead to very significant conflicts
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over the decades to come.
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Regardless of which side
of the issue you fall on,
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a lot of the seed is
happening right around now,
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right around World War I.
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This has been admitted by
the British government.
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This is right here, this was the then
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Secretary, or Foreign
Secretary Jack Straw,
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U.K Foreign Secretary in 2002.
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This is a statement he made to the
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News Statesman Magazine in 2002.
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"A lot of the problems we
are having to deal with now,
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"I have to deal with now,"
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he's the Foreign Secretary,
"are a consequence
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"of our colonial past ..."
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Consequence of our colonial past.
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"The Balfour Declaration
and the contradictory
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assurances," "and the
contradictory assurances
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"which were being given to Palestinian's
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"in private at the same time as they were
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"being given to the Israelis ...
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"again, an interesting history for us,
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"but not an honorable one."
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This is really just the beginning
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as we'll see in future
videos as we go to the
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Interwar period, the British
kind of go back and forth
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on this issue over, over, and over again,
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but needless to say,
it's lead to a very messy
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situation in the modern Middle East.